Friday, June 30, 2023

Gordon Clark: Statement of Protest (The Presbyterian Guardian)

1944. Statement of Protest. The Presbyterian Guardian. Vol. 14, No. 2. pgs. 25-26. Nov 20.

As a matter of personal privilege I desire at this time to protest against the misrepresentations of the Complaint that has just been read. It was not until November 6, 1944 that I was able to obtain a copy of a copy of the Complaint. With the unusual pressure of duties during this month I have not had time to prepare a full reply; and if I had, there would hardly be time enough today to read it. Hence this briefest possible statement does not discuss the poor logic of the Complaint, but merely protests against the most salient misrepresentations. 

On page 20 of my copy of the Complaint I read, "Clark holds that man's knowledge of any proposition," if it is really knowledge, is identical with God's knowledge of the same proposition." This statement is false. Nothing I have said or written supports this false statement. I have always carefully explained that man's knowledge of a proposition and God's knowledge of a proposition are radically and completely different. The series of conclusions based on this false statement therefore does not represent my views at all. 

On page 36 I read in my copy: "A recollection of Dr. Clark's forthright denial of anything that might be called 'emotion' in God, cited above, will thus impress us . . ." I never made any such sweeping denial, and no citation justifies the complainants' statement. The tissue of distortion woven around this false statement of the complainants seriously misrepresents what I have said and written. And that their charge against me is false may be seen from their own significant confession on page 51. It reads, "In this connection reference must again be made to Dr. Clark's view that God has no emotions, If his definition of emotions be granted, God certainly has none." In other words, they admit that if attention is paid to what I actually said or wrote, my doctrine will be seen to be correct. Note also that my definition of emotion is not some queer, a priori oddity, as is suggested on page 29, but is based on that in the Merriam-Webster Dictionary. 

The lengthy quotations of the Complaint are sometimes beside the point and sometimes they definitely support my position. If I can publish a full reply, other passages will be adduced from men such as Charnock, Witsius, Augustus Toplady, and others to show my accord with the historic position of Calvinism. 

On page 40 I read, "there is not one shred of evidence that man's religious activity undergoes any qualitative change through regeneration. That bears all the earmarks of rationalism, humanistic intellectualism. It seems to share the very same vicious independence from God..." These intemperate words may perhaps be referred to a faulty memory. In the first, six-hour examination before Presbytery I was questioned on regeneration, and my views, substantially those of John Laidlaw in The Bible Doctrine of Man, were judged satisfactory. For this reason the subject received little or no attention in the second examination. How could there then be many shreds of evidence in the transcript of the second examination? And because the Presbytery, the complainants included, did not ask questions about regeneration, I am now charged with "rationalism, humanistic intellectualism. . . vicious independence from God." 

Because of the ambiguities in the complainants' argument and because of the many details it is no less difficult to reply briefly to the remainder of the Complaint. Exegesis is involved. Discussion would be required as to how much "by good and necessary consequence may be deduced from Scripture." Is not the setting of a limit a claim to have exhausted the Bible? Is it not a claim that every implication of every verse has been discovered? Discussion would also be required as to whether logic were merely human or whether it is a divine gift - the light that lighteth every man that cometh into the world. Comparison would have to be made between the ambiguous statements and questions of the complainants on the sincere offer of the gospel and the very precise and acceptable language of R. L. Dabney. Also the several distinct meanings of human freedom and their differing implications, which the complainants fail to consider, would require analysis; as also the principle they seem to adopt, viz: that a man, to be subject to God's Word, must fail to understand it. These points. all occur in the last two sections of the Complaint. 

There is no doubt a difference between my views and those of the complainants. On page 20, after the false statement quoted above and just after another statement that in no way represents my views, the Complaint concludes, "a proposition would (therefore) have to have the same meaning for man as for God." Do the complainants deny that a proposition has the same meaning for God and man? Now, I believe in the doctrine of verbal inspiration and inerrancy. The proposition "Christ died for our sins" has a single definite meaning. The words are plain. To say that God places some other undiscoverable meaning upon these words, perhaps that God means Christ did not die for our sins, is to empty the Bible of all truth and to deny that it really reveals God's mind. I am content to believe that God means what he says.

Gordon Clark: Resolution Against Purported "Discipline" (The Presbyterian Guardian)

The following resolution, read by Clark, was one which was unanimously adopted by the Philadelphia Presbytery of which he was a member. 

1936. Resolution Against Purported "Discipline." Knox Presbyterian Church. The Presbyterian Guardian. Vol. 2. No. 8. June 30. Pg. 181.

"Inasmuch as it has been reported in the daily press that the body known as the Presbytery of Philadelphia of the body known as the Presbytenan Church in the U.S.A. has purported to 'depose,' or otherwise discipline ministers who are members of this Presbytery and of the Presbyterian Church of America, a sovereign ecclesiastical body; Be it resolved as follows; 

"(1) That this Presbytery of Philadelphia of the Presbyterian Church of America calls the attention of the public, all ecclesiastical bodies and all the civil authorities who may have a proper interest in this matter, to the resolution adopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of America concerning this subject: 'The First General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of America, having had brought before it questions concerning the status of certain persons under its jurisdiction, and being cognizant of the facts in these cases, does authoritatively declare and adjudicate as follows: 1. The final judgments of the 148th General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in Judicial Cases 1-5 before that body, were, in our judgment, contrary to the Bible, to the Protestant genius of the Reformed Churches, and in violation of the Constitution of the' Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. These judgments amounted to a substitution of the word of man for the Word of God. Since any action of any judicatory which is contrary to the Word of God cannot be held to be the lawful act of a church which acknowledges the Bible as its primary standard, we believe the action in these cases to have been void ab initio, and to have been merely a pretended adjudication. 2. Concerning those ministers, parties in the cases cited above, who are now under the jurisdiction of the Presbyterian Church of America, this General Assembly hereby formally declares them to be ministers of the Gospel in this church in good and regular standing with all the rights, privileges, and duties pertaining to lawfully ordained ministers. 3. Since certain ministers now under our jurisdiction did, on June 8, 1936, withdraw from the body claiming and bearing the title of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., and did send notice thereof to the presbyteries of that body in which they had until then been members, be it declared and adjudged by this General Assembly (a) That it is the inalienable right of any minister, elder, deacon, or layman to withdraw from any body claiming to be a branch of the visible church of Christ, such withdrawal to be immediately effective, if in the judgment of the person concerned there are sufficient reasons for such action. To deny this right is to affirm that a member of an essentially voluntary religious body' may be held in it against his will, which would, we believe, be a denial of the first principles of civil and religious liberty. (b) That any so-called infliction of ecclesiastical censure made by any body upon persons who have before the alleged infliction of such censure severed their connection with the organization in question is only a pretended infliction, null and void entirely. (c) That any further action on the part of any of the judicatories claiming the name and rights of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. against any minister, elder, deacon, or member of this church will be deemed an unwarranted, presumptuous, and unlawful interference by one religious body in the internal affairs of another. Ministers, elders, deacons, and members of the Presbyterian Church of America are under the sole and exclusive ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the judicatories of this church. Ecclesiastical actions concerning them by the courts of any other religious body are hereby declared null and void. 4. All censures inflicted by the courts of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. upon any of the defendants in Judicial Cases 1-5 mentioned above are by the action of this Assembly as the supreme judicatory of this church, terminated, lifted, and declared at an end. 5. The provisions of this action are hereby declared to extend to all parties concerned who shall be- come ministers or members of the Presbyterian Church of America, thus submitting to its jurisdiction, before the next General Assembly.' 

"(2) That this Presbytery declares that the following ministers, whom the body known as the Presbytery of Philadelphia of the body known as the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. has purported to "depose" are not deposed, have never been deposed, cannot be deposed by the body mentioned above which has no jurisdiction over them, and that they are lawfully-ordained ministers of the Presbyterian Church of America; The Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths, the Rev. E. H. Rian, the Rev. Charles J. Woodbridge, the Rev. Paul Woolley. 

"(3) That this Presbytery declares that the following ministers are members of the Presbytery of Philadelphia of the Presbyterian Church of America, subject to the jurisdiction of this church alone, and that any so-called acts of "discipline" purportedly done against any or all of them by any other ecclesiastical body whatsoever are unlawful, null and void: 

Dean W. Adair 
Carl Ahlfeldt 
Philip B. Arcularius 
Robert K. Churchill 
John P. Clelland 
Bruce A. Coie 
Calvin K. Cummings 
Peter De Ruiter 
Everett C. DeVelde 
Albert B. Dodd 
Franklin S. Dyrness 
Frank L. Fiol 
W. K. Fleck David Freeman 
A. Culver Gordon 
Robert H. Graham 
H. McAllister Griffiths 
R. Laird Harris 
R. Moody Holmes 
Bruce F. Hunt 
J. Gresham Machen 
Allan A. MacRae 
George W. Marston 
Robert S. Marsden 
Thomas H. Mitchell 
Edwin H. Rian 
Charles G. Sterling 
N. B. Stonehouse 
John B. Thwing 
Kelly G. Tucker 
Cornelius Van Til 
Peter F. Wall 
Henry G. Welbon 
Charles E. Wideman 
Charles J. Woodbridge 
Paul Woolley 
V. V. Wortman 

"(4) That this Presbytery declares that the purported acts of dieipline of the body in question are an unwarranted, presumptuous and unlawful interference by one religious body in the internal affairs of another."

Gordon Clark: [PHILA. PRESBYTERY HEARS COMPLAINT IN CLARK CASE] (The Presbyterian Guardian)

1944. [PHILA. PRESBYTERY HEARS COMPLAINT IN CLARK CASE]. The Presbyterian Guardian. Vol. 12. No. 22. Dec. 10. Pgs. 354-355.

THE regular meeting of the Presbytery of Philadelphia of The Orthodox Presbyterian Church was held on Monday, November 20th, at Eastlake Church, Wilmington, Del. The morning devotional service was conducted by the Rev. Samuel J. Allen of Philadelphia. 

The Rev. Glenn R. Coie, pastor-elect of Knox Church, Silver Spring, Md., was received from the Presbytery of California. Mr. David W. Kerr, a senior at Westminster Seminary, was examined and taken under care of presbytery as a candidate for the gospel ministry. The amendment to the Book of Discipline, Chapter II, Section 3, proposed by the last general assembly, was approved by the presbytery. 

By far the largest portion of the day was consumed in hearing and intaking actions in connection with a complaint filed by thirteen members of the presbytery against actions of that body in the matter ·of the licensure and ordination of the Rev. Gordon H. Clark, Ph.D. 

The actions complained against were taken in connection with the meeting of presbytery on July 7, 1944. The complaint, which was read in full to the presbytery, states that in the opinion of the complainants the meeting itself was illegal and that the theological views of Dr. Clark as indicated in his examination were of such a character as not to warrant presbytery in proceeding to his licensure and ordination. 

In support of the claim that the meeting itself was illegal, the complainants state that it was called as a special meeting, but that there was no good reason why a special meeting should have been called, since the matter was neither an emergency nor something newly arisen since the previous meeting of presbytery. The history of the calling of special meetings in the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. from 1789 to 1936 is reviewed, as well as the special meetings of the Presbytery of Philadelphia since its formation, with a view to showing that the calling of a special meeting for a purpose such as this has no parallel in the past. In support of the second part of the complaint, four considerations were advanced, which are summarized near, the end of the text of the complaint itself as follows: "The very doctrine of God is undermined by a failure to maintain a qualitative distinction between the knowledge of God and the knowledge possible to man, thus denying the doctrine of the incomprehensibility of God and impinging in a most serious fashion upon the transcendence of the Creator over the creature. The interpretation of Christianity as being fundamentally intellectualism subordinates the volition to the intellect in a manner that is flagrantly in violation of the teaching of Scripture and of the Reformed theology. Similarly emotion as an element in the mind of God and in the mind of the Christian is disallowed. And the views concerning human responsibility and of the free offer of the gospel likewise clearly affect decisively one's conception of matters that are of the greatest possible moment to every Christian. 

"Nor do these errors concern only isolated details. In all of these matters there is manifest a rationalistic approach to Christian theology. The highest activity in man is the intellectual activity; his. highest goal is the intellectual contemplation of God. In connection with his answer, to the question as to the extent to which man may comprehend God, Clark admits the dependence of man upon the revelation of God but, on the basis of a rationalistic dialectic, maintains that any knowledge that man possesses of any item must coincide with God's knowledge of the same item in order to be true knowledge, thus failing to distinguish with respect to content between the Creator's knowledge of any thing and creaturely knowledge of the same thing. And, even though he speaks of the infinity of God's knowledge, he does not rise above a quantitative distinction between the content of the knowledge of God and the content of the knowledge which man may possess. And in pursuance of his effort to penetrate into the mind of God he sets aside, or attempts to set aside, by resort to reason, the paradoxes which Reformed theology has recognized as existing for the human mind between the divine foreordination and human responsibility and between predestination and the divine offer of salvation to all men, with the consequences that the doctrines of human responsibility and of the free offer of salvation to all fail to be set forth in any adequate way. These innovations are then not curiosities of an innocent sort, but concern some of the most central doctrines of the Christian faith, including even the all-decisive subject of the doctrine of God. And the result of this rationalistic approach to theology is a failure to maintain the balanced, comprehensively Biblical, character of historic, classic Calvinism which is set forth in the standards of The Orthodox Presbyterian Church." 

The complaint was signed by John Wistar Betzold; Eugene Bradford; R. B. Kuiper; LeRoy B. Oliver; N. B. Stonehouse; Murray Forst Thompson; William E. Welmers; Paul Woolley; Cornelius Van Til; Edward J. Young; David Freeman; Arthur W. Kuschke, Jr.; and in a limited fashion by Leslie W. Sloat. 

Following the reading of the complaint, Dr. Clark read a brief statement in lieu of a full answer which he had not yet had time to prepare. He charged that the complaint was characterized by "poor logic", "false statement", "intemperate words", and "ambiguities", while remarking at the end, "There is no doubt a difference between my views and those of the complainants"; 

The presbytery elected the following members to serve as a committee to reply to the complaint, with instructions to report to the presbytery not later than March 19, 1945, and to prepare the reply for distribution to the presbyters at least two weeks prior to the meeting: Ministers: Gordon H. Clark; Robert Strong; Floyd E. Hamilton; and Edwin H. Rian. Elder: Charles A. Tichenor. 

An overture had been received from the session of Calvary Church, Willow Grove, asking that the presbytery request THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN not to publish the text of the complaint. After lengthy debate, the presbytery, by the close vote of fourteen to thirteen, advised THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN not to publish the complaint until an answer had been prepared. 

Although THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN is not including the text of the complaint in the magazine, it is glad to announce that the full text is being privately printed and that copies may be had at ten cents each upon application to THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN, 1505 Race Street, Philadelphia 2, Pa. 

Attention is also called to the editorial, "Issues and Convictions", .on page 349 of this copy of the GUARDIAN.

Thursday, June 29, 2023

Gordon Clark: Public Statement Against the Auburn Affirmationists (Christianity Today)

1934. Public Statement Against the Auburn AffirmationistsChristianity Today. Vol. 5, No. 6. pg. 143. Oct 15

In a letter mailed today to Presbyterians throughout the United States, the Reformation Fellowship whose Certificate of Incorporation states that its purpose is to reform the churches so that they 'may be purified of unbelief and controlled only by those who recognize and believe the system of doctrine of the historic standards of the Reformed faith,' pledged financial and moral support to the effort to remove Auburn Affirmationists. 

The letter stated, 'Auburn Affirmationists deny that the Bible is the inerrant word of God. They say that Christ's death to satisfy divine justice, and His bodily resurrection are mere theories unessential to the Christian message. Such people, we believe, have no rightful place in the Presbyterian ministry.' 

It would be a shameful procedure, the Reformation Fellowship told the press today, if the men accused attempt 'to barricade themselves behind a smoke screen of inapplicable technicalities,' when they call the historic facts basic to all Christianity unessential. If the modernists resort to subterfuge, the conservatives will be placed at a great disadvantage because they know more Bible than politics. 

The newspapers report that one of the men accused calls the charges 'bunk.' This gentleman, the Rev. J. B. C. Mackie, was the defeated modernist candidate for the office of Moderator of the Philadelphia presbytery at the last election, and so may be regarded as the unofficial spokesman of the modernists. If the reports are correct, many true but humble Christians will be shocked to learn that charges involving the Atonement and the Resurrection can be classed as 'bunk.' 

Heresy trials, the Reformation Fellowship admits, are to be deplored; but in the present situation where two antagonistic religions are engaged in a death struggle so far as the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. is concerned, there is one thing worse than a heresy trial, and that is no heresy trial. 

The Reformation Fellowship stands unflinchingly for the truth of the Bible and the purity of the faith, and urges all sincere Christians to support this noble effort to purge the Church of modernists.

Gordon Clark: Statement of Prosecutors (Christianity Today)

Members of the prosecution: Gordon H. Clark, Ph.D. (General Secretary of Reformed Fellowship), Murray Forst Thompson (Recording Secretary), and Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths (President of the Trustees)

1934. Statement of Prosecutors Against Philadelphia Auburn Affirmation Signers. Christianity Today. Vol. 5, No. 6. pgs. 141-142. Oct 12

"We have today filed with the Stated Clerk of the Presbytery of Philadelphia formal charges of heresy against the following ministers: George Emerson Barnes; Alford H. Boggs; Francis De Simone; Alvin B. Gurley; Edward Yates Hill; John A. MacCallum; Alexander MacColl; J. B. C. Mackie; William R. Rearick; Edward B. Shaw; Robert B. Whyte. Since The Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. does not belong to its ministers, office-bearers or officials, but, in the ultimate assay, to the rank and file of the people who compose it, they, the people, have every right to know why this prosecution has been begun, and to have the fullest information regarding the issues involved and the points at issue in all stages of the trial.

"No man is ever compelled to become a minister of the Presbyterian Church. When he enters its service he voluntarily takes upon himself vows and obligations of the most serious and solemn nature. If he feels that these promises deprive him of his freedom, he need not assent to them. But once he does assent, he is expected, as a gentleman of honor, to keep the vows he has made before God and man. If his mind changes, the whole world outside the Presbyterian Church is his in which to exercise the freedom he craves. But to claim freedom to deny the doctrines of the Church to which he is still voluntarily and solemnly pledged is not an exercise of freedom. Rather it is license, and the abuser of liberty is the enemy of liberty.

"Yet let no one imagine that the Presbyterian Church demands a rigid, inflexible and impossible uniformity of her ministers. She is not a hard taskmistress. She gives, within the circle of her great Reformed system of doctrine, wide and generous limits in which her ministers may differ or dissent and still be in good standing. That liberty in all doctrines which do not touch the substance of her faith is an expression of her broad and generous spirit. No one wants this wide area of liberty taken away. We claim it for ourselves and would be the first to rise to its defense. But the heresies with which these men are charged are not of this character. Their denials, if true, would teal' out the very heart, lungs and spine of our faith, - not only of Presbyterian faith but of the historic faith of the whole of Christendom as well. They pour scorn upon the doctrine of an inerrant Bible. They deny that the Virgin Birth of Christ, His supernatural miracles, His death as a sacrifice to satisfy Divine justice and to reconcile us to God, and His bodily resurrection are any essential part of the Christian message. The fact that any or all of these men may protest that they believe some or all of these doctrines has absolutely no bearing on the case; their heresy consists in their erasure of these doctrines as essentials of the Christian message. As soon could we have mathematics without numbers as have Christianity without the great truths, the necessity of which these men deny.

"We have tried to avoid litigation by every right means within our power. In February, 1932, one of us publicly appealed to these men to renounce their errors or to leave the Church that it might regain its former peace. They tried to make light of the matter, asserting vaguely that it had all been settled, a representation which, if correctly reported is, of course, not true.

"Later, one of us wrote each of these men a letter. All the letters were in the same words. The letter said:

'You will probably remember that last February I addressed to you publicly and to the other signers of what is commonly known as the "Auburn Affirmation," a plea that you would see your way clear, because of the doctrinal views expressed in the document, signed and never repudiated by you, either to retract or to demit the ministry of the Presbyterian Church. I beg to assure you that I did this only after long heart-searching and prayer, and that the action was entirely devoid of any personal rancor or bitterness.

'Feeling as I do, you will not find it hard to understand that I have been keenly disappointed in the lack of response which you have evidenced toward my appeal to you.

'My first concern is, naturally, for the doctrinal purity of the Church. My second concern, little less in intensity, is for the reclamation of any or all of those who, I believe, have been led away from the simplicity and truth of the Gospel. I do not believe that the interests of the Kingdom of God would be as well served by the excision of those commonly called Liberals or Modernists, as by the public reclamation of those to the old but everlasting Gospel. I am, therefore, writing you to inquire whether you would be willing to discuss with me and perhaps with one or two others, the differences which have appeared between us, in accordance with our Lord's commands in Matthew 18:15-17. I have in mind a quiet discussion such as befits those who call themselves Christians, rather than a debate or acrimonious argument, before even a small group. I am frank to say that I am making this request in the earnest hope that you may be led to renounce, publicly, the views which you have expressed in the "Auburn Affirmation."

'I would very much appreciate your giving me an early reply to this request, for the matter is very much upon my heart. You may write as frankly as I have written. If you feel that your views are unalterably fixed and that no good purpose would be served by our talking together about it, I will accept your decision with regret. But I cannot refrain from urging you to reconsider the views to which you have given public approval.

'I expect to be gone from the city for two weeks, to return about the middle of September. I will appreciate it if you can see your way clear to giving me a definite answer by that time.'

Their reply was silence.

"A second letter was then sent them by registered mail as follows:

'On August 30th, I wrote to you in the terms of the attached letter. To date I have received no reply. Deeply as I feel this apparent discourtesy, I am willing to overlook it in the interest of the true peace and unity of the Church.

'Could you not possibly favor me with a reply? It seems almost unbelievable that men of standing would ignore a request that might so materially affect the welfare and tranquillity of the Church. To me, judicial process is a last resort, only to be entered when means of reconciliation have failed. But when you will not confer, when you will not even answer letters, can you not see the inevitable result you are inviting, and the construction which all fair-minded people will put upon your silence? Again I appeal to you to retract the views expressed in the Auburn Affirmation, or else to do the honorable thing and leave the Presbyterian Church. I also renew my request for an interview for the purpose of seeing whether this matter may not be arranged amicably. If you do not see fit to answer this letter, I shall assume that you wish me to understand that your views have not changed, that you still adhere to them, and that you are willing to defend them on their merits before the courts of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A.

'I repeat that there is nothing personal in my request or attitude. Who you are means nothing to me; the position you take and the doctrines you teach mean everything.'

Again nothing but silence.

"What else then, can we do? These men are usurpers, intruders in a church whose doctrine they boldly deny. Our duty is clear. We do not welcome it, but we cannot honorably escape it. The issues are not trivial. They involve the truth of the Word of God and basic doctrines of the Faith. The greatest problems of the day will in the perspective of a hundred years be insignificant beside them. We have exhausted all peaceful means. The only resort left is an appeal to the law of the Church against those who flout it so openly and proudly. And in the prosecution of that appeal we ask the prayers and cooperation of every believing Christian man and woman.

"We do not wish or contemplate a secret trial. The prosecution will request that the hearings be open. The people, who are the Church, have an undeniable right to know how issues so profound and so clear are dealt with in the courts of their Church. The world outside the Church will conclude, and rightly, that somebody has something to hide, if the trial is held behind closed doors. A self-respecting Church will remember that it is a public institution, and will not be afraid to let the light shine in.

"Judicial process in this case may still be avoided. It may be avoided if the accused will resign their commissions as ministers of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. and save the Church from the division which their own acts and presence make otherwise inevitable. Doubtless they will have much to say or imply about 'peace', but intelligent people will not forget that if these men really want peace they, who themselves are breaking the law of the Church, can secure it by eliminating themselves or else by recanting their heresy, and returning to the faith of Christendom. If they do really believe that they and others holding their views are entitled to a place in the Presbyterian Church, under its laws, then we challenge them openly to defend this case on its merits, not attempting to barricade themselves behind a smoke screen of inapplicable technicalities, or to becloud and confuse the issues. If they are sincere in their views they will not be afraid or ashamed to defend them on their merits. The rank and file of the Presbyterian Church has the right to know whether that Church is going to surrender weakly to Modernist unbelief, or whether she will lift up her voice anew for the Christ of the Bible, the Christ of the Ages, the only Saviour and hope of a lost and dying world.

"This action will also be a test of the true orthodoxy of those men now in control of the machinery of the Presbyterian Church. They have been foremost in saying that if we believe heresy is to be found, we should prefer formal charges. We have now done so. If the dominating party in the Church comes to the aid of these Modernists, if it attempts to help them evade trial through pleading technicalities or in any other way, the rank and file of the Church will not be slow to get the point. Men who love the Gospel will not come to the aid of those who deny its central truths. It will now appear whether the Presbyterian Church is a Modernist or a Christian Church."

Gordon Clark: REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COVENANT UNION, 1936 (The Presbyterian Guardian)

Members (link):

President - Mr. A. F. Miller, Collingswood, N.J. 

Vice President - Mr. D. T. Richman, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Secretary - Mr. D. M. Perkins, Vineland, N. J. 

Treasurer - Dr. Gordon H. Clark, Philadelphia, Pa. 

These officers together with five other persons comprise the Executive Committee. The others in the committee are: the Reverend J. Gresham Machen, D.D., Litt.D., Philadelphia, Pa.; the Reverend Harold S. Laird, D.D., Wilmington, Delaware; the Reverend A. L. Lathem, D.D., Chester, Pa.; Mr. Bert W. Tennant" West Pittston, Pa., and the Reverend Edwin H. Rian, Philadelphia, Pa.

1936. REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COVENANT UNION. The Presbyterian Guardian. Vol. 2, No. 6. June 11. Pgs. 113-114

REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COVENANT UNION FOR THE YEAR JUNE 27, 1935 TO JUNE 11, 1936

The Executive Committee of The Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union has endeavored to the best of its ability to carry forward the central purpose of the Covenant Union as expressed in Article III of the Constitution: "To defend and maintain the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A.-that is, to defend (I) the Word of God upon which the Constitution is based, (2) the full, glorious system of revealed truth contained in the Confession of Faith and Catechisms, commonly called (to distinguish it from various forms of error) the 'Reformed Faith,' and (3) the truly Scriptural principles of Presbyterian church government guaranteeing the Christian's freedom from implicit obedience to any human councils and courts and recognizing, instead, in the high Biblical sense, the authority of God."

In order to carry out these purposes effectively the Executive Committee has taken the following actions in accordance with its Constitutional powers:

1. Offices were opened at 1209Commonwealth Building, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 9th, 1935.

2. The Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths. D.D., was employed as General Secretary of the Covenant Union.

3. A semi-monthly publication, known as THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN, was begun October 1st, 1935, and has been continued to date.

4. The Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths. D.D., was asked to serve as editor of THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN in addition to his work as General Secretary.

5. Mr. Thomas R. Birch was employed on September 9th, 1935, to act as Circulation Manager and Assistant Editor of THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDTAN.

These actions have enabled the Executive Committee to accomplish the following things in attempting to fulfill the aims of the Covenant Union.

1. Twice each month, beginning with October 1935 THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN has been printed and mailed to thousands of Presbyterians With information and warnings about the modernist tyranny which grips the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Many different Presbyterian ministers elders and laymen have contributed articles to this journal. Some of these articles of special interest have been reprinted and sent out in pamphlet form.

2. The Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths, D.D., in addition to acting as editor of THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN, has carried forward the work of the Covenant Union.

He has acted as counsel for most of the members of The Independent Board for Presbyterian Foreign Missions in the Lases of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. against these members.

He has arranged for and conducted rallies of the Covenant Union in many parts of the United States.

These rallies have resulted in the formation of chapters of the Covenant Union. In many other ways Dr. Griffiths has made the work of the Covenant Union effective.

3. Mr. Thomas R. Birch has acted as Circulation Manager. At the present time there are subscribers in 46 states and 21 foreign countries. In many other ways Mr. Birch has aided the Executive Committee in carrying- forward the work of the Covenant Union.

4. Rallies for the Covenant Union have been held in many states. These meetings have been addressed by members of the Covenant Union and literature of the Covenant Union has been distributed.

5. Over thirty thousand Constitutions and pledge cards of the Covenant Union have been distributed.

At the present time there are twenty-four chapters of the Covenant Union.

The Executive Committee desires to make the following recommendations: that

1. The Rev. H. McAllister Griffiths. D.D ..and Mr. Thomas R. Birch be thanked for their splendid work and untiring efforts in behalf of the Covenant Union.

2. BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the proper officers and agents of the Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union be and they are hereby authorized to do any acts and to execute any documents which may be required to carry into effect the purposes of the foregoing resolutions.

In view of the fact that the efforts to reform the existing organization of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. have failed and in view of the fact that the tyrannical policy of the present majority of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. has triumphed as evidenced by the action of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. sitting as a court in Judicial Cases Numbers 1, 2, 3, 4. and 5 and in Non-Judicial Cases Numbers 1-8 and 10, it is now declared that The Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union shall upon the adjournment of this meeting cease to exist and that the members of the Covenant Union are now free to carry on the true spiritual succession of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in accordance with Section Two of the Covenant.

3. The following resolutions be adopted by the Covenant Union:

(1) Whereas the Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union which has heretofore published the semi-monthly religious journal called THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN is now about to dissolve;

And Whereas it is desirable that the publication of THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN be continued;

And Whereas the Rev. J. Gresham Machen, D.D., the Rev. Paul Woolley and Murray Forst Thompson, under the name and style of "The Presbyterian Guardian Publishing Company," have offered to undertake the continued publication of THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN on the terms set forth in the written proposal hereto attached:

NOW THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED that all of the right, title and interest of the Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union in and to "THE PRESBYTERIAN GUARDIAN," its good will, accounts receivable, cash balances as of June 11. 1936, subscription list, and the equipment and supplies described in Exhibit "A" attached hereto, be and they are hereby assigned, transferred and set over unto the said Rev. J. Gresham Machen, D.D .. Rev. Paul Woolley and Murray Forst Thompson, in consideration of the agreement of the said Rev. J. Gresham Machen, D.D., Rev. Paul Woolley, and Murray Forst Thompson, to assume and pay all of the outstanding obligations of the Presbyterian Constitutional Covenant Union, as listed in Exhibit "B" hereto attached, and also to assume any and all liability incurred by the Covenant Union in connection with the execution of the lease of the office, 1209 Commonwealth Building. Philadelphia.

Gordon Clark: Plotinus’ Theory of Sensation (The Philosophical Review)

1942. Plotinus’ Theory of Sensation. The Philosophical Review Jul.

Plotinus’ Theory of Sensation1
Und wei haben wir uns die Erscheinungen dieser Einheit, die sinnliche Empfindung, die Begierde u. s. f. zu erklaren? Diese Fragen waren fur Plotin nicht ganz leicht zu beantworten, denn durch seinen einseitigen Spiritualismus hat er wirklich die Mittel zu ihrer genugenden Losung abgeschnitten.2
Zeller has expressed the problem well. The grandiose structure of Platonic spiritualism requires a plausible theory of sensation. Unless the ideal world and the sensible world can be united, Aristotle's criticism that the Ideas are a useless duplication of objects will be justified. Whether or not Plotinus by a one-sided spiritualism cut himself off from a real solution, whether or not his whole philosophy is, as Paul Elmer More says, "a meaningless answer to an impossible question raised by a gratuitous hypothesis," it cannot be asserted that Plotinus was bling to the problem. In every Ennead except the second, the primary subjects of the tractates force his consideration of sensation and of the relation of the sensible world to the world above. As he was not blind to these difficulties, neither was he so unsuccessful of solution as to write in vain - if to write in vain means to lack influence. Not only did his pagan followers continue the Platonic tradition till the end of antiquity, but in his own city of Rome Augustine utilized the considerable amount of what looked promising to him and transmitted to a new era some of the ancient wisdom.

Because the theory of sensation was a part of Augustine's borrowings, and because of its strategic importance to the justification of spiritualism, one would expect that historians of philosophy had by this time produced many and prominent dissertations on the subject. Such, however, is not the case. Granted that there is no good reason to disparage Dean Inge's monumental work on The Philosophy of Plotinus, it is a mere matter of fact that sensation proper is disposed of in four pages, plus another page for pleasure and pain. Brehier's one-volume work of the same title, while it has a good paragraph on memory, treats sensation only incidentally.

This neglect - of course Plotinus can furnish Inge and Brehier with an unmanageable amount of material on other subjects - is not to be accounted for by the meagreness of reference in Plotinus. The embarrassment comes in coordinating the wealth of reflection. A survey of this wealth indicates that such a coordination is most naturally attempted under the four following headings: (1) The Objects of Sensation; (2) The Process of Sensation; (3) The Body and the Soul; and (4) Utility and Knowledge. At many points digressions on more general Neoplatonic principles might be expected. The theory of sensation has its bearings on aesthetics, ethics, and the mystic vision of the One. But to commence to fill in this sort of explanatory background removes the possibility of any proximate conclusion. The attempt has been made, therefore, to restrict the discussion to positive psychology and the barest minimum of epistemology.

The Objects of Sensation

Plotinus, in his reaction against Stoic materialism, produced a system that may conveniently be called spiritualistic. This term, however, when loosely used, can give rise to erroneous prejudgments as to the nature of the objects of sensations. For example, Charles Boyer seems to suggest that the sensible object is a creation of the individual human mind.3 Or, if this reduces to an un-Platonic solipsism, someone might possibly be tempted to look for Berkeley's expedient of having God produce the object in the mind of the individual. Or, perhaps, in the historical situation, Plotinus under Aristotelian influence may have developed a non-materialistic impression of some Ding an Sich.

It was not only the Epicureans and the Stoics who explained sensation as the reception of impressions; Aristotle did so too. They differed, of course, in that the later two schools used the word impression in a literal or at least a physical sense, whereas Aristotle's usage was metaphorical. Since Plotinus frequently profited by Aristotle's contributions to philosophy, it is natural to look for Aristotelian influence on this point also.

Attractive though this suggestion may be, it must be judged incorrect. In his tractate On Sensation and Memory4 Plotinus holds that the metaphorical impression of Aristotle and the materialistic impressions of the other schools are alike refuted by the same considerations. The concluding phrase of this tractate, by noting that the difficulties in explaining sensation as a result of impressions are met neither by those who consider the soul a body nor by those who make it incorporeal, indicates that Plotinus was not limiting his criticism to materialists. In addition to this concluding phrase, there are through the tractate several references to Aristotle's De Memoria, and this is sufficient to show that he has Aristotle also in mind. 

The first argument of the tractate to prove that sensation is not an impression on the soul is that we see an object where it is, that is, at a distance from us, and not in the soul as an impression would be.

Zeller emphasizes the point that there is no impression in the soul but only in order to make the sensible object and impression in the body, perhaps a physiological change in the retina. Some texts, as might be expected, do not seem at first sight to rule out the notion of a bodily impression. For example, when in two passages5 Plotinus asserts that sensation knows only external objects, he adds that even if we sense a pain inside the body, it is an object external to the soul. But the implication of the passage is not so much that sensible objects are within the body in the form of perceptions of physiological changes; but rather than the large number of sensible objects, to which pain forms an exception, are external not only to the soul but to the body as well.

Plotinus also says that the soul looks outward, and that there would be no need of looking outward if the soul contained in itself the form of the object. Superficially this would not rule out the notion of a bodily impression. The mention of distance, however, is more easily understood as incompatible with the identification of the sensible object and an impression on the organ. For the distance referred to is neither a metaphorical distance from an illocal soul, nor a literal distance from a materialistic soul, but a distance from the sense-organ. An object in contact with the pupil of the eye cannot be seen. From the necessity of distance between the eye and the objection Plotinus concludes that there is an even greater necessity to deny that the soul sees an impression stamped on itself. If the soul were stamped as with a seal, it could not see the stamp, for the seeing soul and the seen object must be two distinct things. If per impossibile the soul could see a form contained in itself, it would be unable to assign a distance to the object. And further, how could the soul say how large the sky is, or even say that the sky is large, when it cannot receive an impression of such a size.6

Is sensation were like an impression on wax, then, to mention another consideration, all sense-impressions, since they would be in the same soul, would presumably be materially similar, and there would be no possibility of distinguishing an auditory from a visual impression. 

Again, if memory were the preservation of sense-impressions, one could not first forget and then remember; the impression would have to remain in the soul, or, if it disappeared, another sensation would be required to impress the soul anew.

But the chief reason for rejecting the theory that what we perceive is a perception or impression is that in such a case we could not perceive the things themselves; shadows are all that we should grasp. This seems to be the chief reason because, by analogy with the higher functions of mind,7 it is essential to the dogmatism and realism that Plotinus is offering as a substitute for the previously popular skepticism. 

Despite the fact that Plotinus so clearly rejected even the Aristotelian form of an impression-theory, Zeller writes: "Nicht die sinnlichen Dinge selbst sind es, die von der Seele wahrgenommen weden, sondern nur die Eindrucke, welche die Dinge auf ihre Sinnlichkeit hervorgebracht haben."8 Zeller refers to the following lines for support. "The soul's power of sensation does not grasp sensible objects, but rather the impressions that arise in the living being through sensation; for these impressions are already intelligible objects [νοητα ]."9 To this passage Zeller might have added this: "Even granting that what sensation grasps in the sensible object, that which is known by sensation is an image of the thing, and sensation does not grasp the thing itself, for this remains outside."10 Since, however, this may be an ad hominem remark addressed to the Epicureans, it will be of no weight if the passage from the first Ennead can be explained.

The seeming discrepancy arises because of the ease with which Plotinus adjusts his perspective. The passage in question does not describe literal sensation at all. Just as, in the general view of the universe, the stone and trees of this ordinary world are images of realities in the divine mind, so also literal sensation is an image or reflection of a higher mental activity. Although in strictness this higher activity should be called intellection, or at least discursion, still it is permissible to speak of it as perception or even as sensation. It is in light of this principle that the quotation Zeller makes from the first Ennead must be understood.

The relation of the soul to the body, which underlies that passage, is somewhat complicated. Plotinus at the beginning of the tractate had asked the question: Is the seat of pleasure, fear, and desire the soul alone, the soul using a body, or a third thing produced from the two? The answer definitely excludes any mixture of soul and body, not so much because mixture is a physical concept inapplicable to soul, as because Plotinus wishes to preserve the closest possible connection between our soul and the world soul. Necessary for understanding Zeller's quotation are the words that open the chapter.

The composite [living being] exists because of the soul's presence; but the soul does not give herself as such to the composite or to its element [the body]. But from a definite kind of body and something else like light that is given off from her, the soul produces a different thing - the nature of the living being. Of this nature, perception and all the other passive states of a living being are to be predicated.11

Thus the soul does not dwell in the body; it remains apart and sends a representative, so to speak, its image. In the Plotinic system, then, it is this nature that functions as the soul is supposed to function in the more common view of things. This nature forms the mysterious connection between physical or chemical changes in the body and the purely spiritual conscious perception that leads to intellectual heaven. Plotinus then goes on to ask how, in view of the role of nature, can it be said that we, the real we, the higher soul, perceive? He answers that there is a connection between soul and nature, and then in the words quoted by Zeller speaks of perceptions for the soul. In these lines, therefore, one must not see an assertion that sensation, a function of the living body, grasps only impressions in the body; the correct explanation is that the higher form of sensation, the activity of the soul as distinguished from the function of nature, does not grasp sensible objects, but indeed directs its attention to intelligible objects, which somehow have followed upon literal sensation. While the general principle of this explanation appears in many other passages, Zeller ought to have taken warning from this passage itself. The words that immediately follow the phrase "For these are already intelligible objects" are "with the result that [or because = ως] external sensation is its image, while it itself, in reality the truer, is the impassible contemplation of forms."

The bolder interpretation of Boyer that the soul creates sensible objects is likewise untenable. He had attempted to support his position by the lines: "In the same way the soul is connected with sensible objects, and of her own power makes them shine, as it were, and puts them before the eyes; for her power is suited to give birth with reference to them."12 But this passage does not show that the soul creates or gives birth to memory; she gives birth with relation to the sensible objects.

If these arguments serve to rule out the theory of impressions, and, with the epistemological, indeed the ontological, demands of realism, establish the necessity of external objects for sensation, a short reference in conclusion may complete the precautions against understanding spiritualism in any Berkeleyan sense. "Intellect," writes Plotinus, "is not related to its objects as sensation is to the sensible objects that are prior to it. Intellect is its objects."13 If, therefore, the objects that are seen are prior to the faculty of sensation, they cannot depend on any subjective process. In relation to an individual person, they are real, objective, and external.

The Process of Sensation

With the relative independence of the sensible object established, the next problem is the description of the manner in which sensation takes place.

The solution to this problem may be classified under two chief heads: mechanistic and non-mechanistic. The former group includes the crude Epicurean theory, the more complex Stoic account, and - though mechanistic is a strong word for it - the Aristotelian position as well. Plato is the sole member of the minority group, but he happens to be right. The basis on which these two groups are separated is their assertion or their denial of a medium of sensation. At this point a subdivision within the mechanistic group must be made. Aristotle and the Stoics, on the one hand, had assumed the existence of a continuous medium, while Democritus and the Epicureans had used the medium of a stream of effluxes passing from the object to the eye. The difference between Aristotle and Democritus runs deeper than the one problem of sensation: Their contrary theories are applications of more general world views; and likewise, when Plotinus rejects them both, it is because of his underlying principles. Without these basic postulates Plotinus' position would be extremely puzzling, for he denies both the continuous medium of Aristotle and the effluxes and void of Democritus.

Since Aristotle had argued that a medium was necessary because a sensible quality itself at a distance from the organ could not affect the organ, Plotinus had to supply some general view to explain what appears to be a case of transmission without a medium. To this end he offers his theory of sympathy.14 Because it is a perfectly general principle, comprehending all types of agent-patient relationships, it does not advance the study of sensation in particular; it does, however, harmonize the rejection of a void and the rejection at the same time of a medium.

Plotinus' high rank as a philosopher is at least partly grounded in his success at synthesizing elements from the many preceding schools of thought without becoming entangled in their systematic difficulties. The theory of sympathy is a happy illustration of this process. First, there is the Pre-Socratic principle that like acts upon like: The cause and the effect, whether in epistemology or in physics, must resemble each other. Second, the term itself is borrowed from the Stoics, who derived this notion from their theory of complete mixture. But the chief inspiration, as always, comes from Plato. The world, therefore, is conceived, not as an aggregate of inanimate atoms moving mechanically in a void, but as a living being, or as some translations crudely call it, an animal. In a living being it is not literal proximity that determines one organ to affect another. The eyes, for example, produce a sympathetic reaction in the stomach without affecting the more closely situated teeth. Similarly in the universe on object is an agent and another is its patient, not by any means of rigid connection, but by an action at a distance depending on resemblances between the two objects.

As the acceptance of the general theory of sympathy results from the falsity of mechanism, so the application of this theory to the particular case of sensation depends on its displacing the theory of a medium, and can be indicated by continuing the previous illustration. Suppose the teeth and the gullet were the means of transmitting an affection from the eyes to the stomach. Under such conditions the reaction of the stomach would be less by the amount of energy absorbed by the intervening parts. Hence a medium would dull one's perception. While admitting that air or some type of body occupies the space between the organ and the sensible object, and that this body is in contact with both, Plotinus denies that it is a means of vision. A dense body placed between the eye and the object obviously prevents vision; if the body is less dense vision will perhaps be possible; and the rarer the intervening body, the less of a hindrance to vision it will be; but no matter how rare, it cannot be considered a means or an aid to seeing.

Contrariwise, if a block of wood is put into the first, the fire can reach its center only by means of the parts nearer the surface, but, as long as these parts are not destroyed, they act as insulation. Now some natural processes do indeed require a medium. And the very reason that nature provides a medium in these cases is that thereby the affection may be modified to prevent destruction. If fire acted at a distance without a medium, human life would be impossible. But obviously sensation falls under a different category. Arguments will show that sensation, unlike combustion, is a case of action at a distance. And yet, without a medium, at least without an intervening body, there would be no sensation. The conception of the world as a living being implies a continuous universe. But continuity as such is not the explanation of sensation, since, if it were, everything would have a sensible perception of everything. A continuum is, however, an indispensable condition of sensation, and a void would make sensation impossible, not because of mechanical principles, but because a void would destroy the world as a single living being, rendering all action at a distance impossible.

The situation is similar to the fall of a stone. Though it must fall through the air, the air is not the medium of its falling; its fall is explained by its weight, not by the air pushing it downward. Tree grow upward through the air, but obviously air is not the means or medium of their upward growth. The basic difficulty with the notion of a medium is that it involves a mechanical explanation of sensation, and mechanism is a mistake. Therefore, in sensation one must set aside both a medium which transmits by being itself affected, as wood is means and insulation to fire, and also an unaffected medium through which alleged streams of sensible species pass as a stone fall through the air.15 

Finally, Plotinus mentioned against that most important of considerations - the epistemological. If a sensible object affects the air, and then the affected air at least affects the organ, it follows that we do not see the object itself, but simply the air.

With the notion of sympathy as a background, the more specific explanation of sensation is derived from Plato. In the Timaeus Plato assumed that the eye shoots forth a ray of light; this ray fuses with the homogenous light of day; if then it strikes an object or a light reflected from an object, "the motions are transmitted through the whole body into the soul, and this is the sensation we call vision."

Plato's theory therefore seems to require a medium, the light of day. But Plotinus is in essential agreement. His arguments against a medium must be understood in their historical context. The prevailing materialism of the recent philosophers had required a physical medium for sight, and they had commonly identified that body as air. Both Epicureans and Stoics assigned an important role in the process of sensation to the air.16 Hence when Plotinus argues against the existence of a medium, he is not denying a function to light, but is attacking views of the mechanical production of vision by a physical medium such as air. Light itself, however, is an impassible or non-mechanical medium.

The one correction, or rather the one clarification, that the Platonic theory needs is the recognition that the external or foreign light of day is not indispensable to sight. While it is needed in order to see objects at a distance, one may with pressure on the eye-ball have a vision of the light within the eyes. This is a seeing that requires no light of day.17 Plotinus also notes that Plato's theory leaves unexplained our perception of the stars at night. Consequently it is the light which issues from the eye, not the external light of day, that is the chief cause of sight. This ray of light is a living organ, an extension of the soul, which stretch out like an antenna to touch the visible object. Vision, therefore, becomes similar to touch,18 and with this explanation of Plato's theory no medium is necessary.

Since the theory of sympathy was to account for action at a distance, the question immediately arises as to the necessity of function of the visual ray. The answer is found in the following lines.
In this case one must discover whether sight [the visual ray] must proceed there [to the object] because an interval exists or because there is a body in the interval. Now, if it is because of a body in the interval, there will be vision if the obstacle is removed. But if it is because of the interval simply, one would need to assume that the visible object was inert and completely inactive. But this is impossible.19
To examine the end of this quotation first, the last two sentences reflect the theory of sympathy by asserting the power of affection resident in any body or object. The only assumption by which one could say that the interval alone and not the corporeal intervenient was the cause of the visual ray would be the complete passivity of the sensible object. But sensible objects are not passive. Far from being inert, it is the activity of the sensible object on the organ that is the effect cause of sight. For touch, which is a clearer illustration, not only reports to us that an object is near, but by being affected it informs us of the objects qualities. These qualities are so active that even touch, unless there were some separating medium, would sense them at a distance. This actually occurs when standing before a fire. We are warmed before the intervening air is warmed, and to a higher degree than it. If, therefore, there is a power to act in the sensible object and any degree of receptivity in the organ, no medium of sensation need be assumed. At the same time, this consideration shows that distance alone does not explain the necessity of a visual ray.

The main point of the quotation is that a dense body, usually air, fills the space between the eye and the object; that this reduces the intensity of sympathetic action; and that it would prevent sensation altogether unless this insulation were pierced by the visual ray. Therefore, when Brehier20 asserts that this consideration assigns to the visual ray only an accidental reason for existence, his phraseology is plausible. If there were no obstacle, sight would occur without the ray. But with Plotinus' more general world view in mind, the reason for the ray's existence is seen to be a uniform and regular accident. For one must remember that the world as a living being is continuous and therefore some body will always occupy the interval. So, then, when Brehier also wrote, "de plus on ne voit pas pourquoi la faculte visuelle sort ainsi de l'oeil," he must have missed the point that the ray has as its function the piercing of the obstruction. The obstruction is the air, which is dark.21 When the obstruction is too tense, as it would be if a stone wall were between the eye and the object, the ray cannot penetrate it and vision of the object in question ceases.

The utilization of a visual ray to pierce obstructions may seem to a modern reader to be inconsistent with the spiritual, non-mechanical explanation of vision, but Plotinus was confronted with the stubborn empirical fact that we cannot see through opaque bodies and hoped that the assimilation of all bodies, air included, to soulstuff would acquit him of any serious charge.

To avoid possible misunderstandings and especially to support further the denial of a medium for perception, it is necessary at the risk of a slight digression to indicate the nature of light. Most emphatically light does not receive an affection and transmit it to the organ. Aside from previous arguments against transmission, light by its nature is incapable of progressive transmitting.

First, air is not the substratum of light.22 That light does not depend on, or is not an affection of, air is proved by the fact that light belongs to every fiery body and to some stones. But this fact of itself does not rule out air as necessary to the passage of light from its source to the eye or to an illumined object. Now if light were a quality in the Aristotelian sense of the word, its propagation would require a substratum as a medium. But light is not a quality, either of the air or even of the source. If light were an accident or passive state of anything, an object illumined by the Sun would retain the quality of brilliance after the Sun had set. And this, too, would involve the consequence that the Sun is constantly losing its light.

Nor is light a substance. It is, instead, an activity of something, and as such can pass through, or, better, can pass over, a distance even if the distance were a pure void.23 Air could be needed as a substratum only to prevent the ray of light from falling down, or to coax it from the luminous body and start it on its course, and both of these reasons are absurd.

An activity, on the other hand, comes from a substratum, but does not pass into another substratum. The other substratum, however, may be affected if properly placed. In this, life and light are analogous. Life is an activity of the soul that may animate a body properly situated; but, if no body is present, life is still an activity. Similarly light is the activity of a luminous body. The dark, dusty air does not produce light nor transmit it; it obscures it.

The main conclusion, therefore, is that air as a continuous medium is not necessary for the transmission of light. Nonetheless, body is required for the perception of light. Above the Earth's atmosphere, as we know today, one can see the sunlight only by looking toward the Sun - a body. On the Earth's surface, on the other hand, we can see the sunlight without turning toward the Sun because of the air, or the dust in the air - a body. If therefore the Sun itself is to be seen, it must be a body and cannot be pure incorporeal light. If it were pure light, there would be light in no other visible object, and only the Sun could be seen, for the other visible objects are not pure light.24

Plotinus also adds a much less convincing application of his principles to sound and audition.25 All sensation, then, is to be understood as an instance of sympathy without benefit of media.

Body and Soul

Proceeding inward from the external object through the visual ray, the exposition must next treat of the necessity of organs in sensation. When light is denied the title of physical medium between object and organ, when the force of sympathy seems to raise the possibility of action by the sensible object directly on the soul, it may appear than Plotinus' spiritualism has so extruded body from the situation that not even an organ is necessary. This, however, is not quite the case. For, though there is no medium between organ and object, the organ is itself a medium between object and soul.

A sensation is not an impression, and, as Plotinus frequently repeats, the soul is impassive. But "to deny that alterations take place and are sensed distinctly is contrary to clear fact. But while admitting this, one must ask what it is that changes. For if we attribute these modifications to the soul, we are in danger of regarding the soul as if it could blush or turn pale."26 "In the case of sight, the seeing is an activity and it is the eye which is passive."27

From these two passages it is clear both that the soul is impassive and that sensation is an activity. And again:
Sensations are not passive states, but activities with reference to passive states. They are judgments. Passions arise in something else, in a sort of body, but judgment occurs in the soul and is not a passive state. Otherwise there would be need for another judgment, and so on in an infinite regress. Nonetheless we have here a difficulty if the judgment as such has nothing of the thing judged. Or, if it has an impression, it has been modified. However, it is possible to say even of the so-called impressions that their mode is completely different from what is supposed. Like thought, they too may be activities and may be able to know without undergoing any modification. And in general neither reason nor volition subjects the soul to changes and alterations, such as the heating and cooling of bodies.28
These lines disclose the main reason for denying that sensations are passive states. Such states must be conceived as heatings and coolings, that is, as corporeal motions. Aristotle originally defined the category of passivity on the basis of physical changes, and the term should be restricted to that meaning. Sensation, then, is an activity. The word activity, however, regardless of its original significance, Plotinus uses precisely to avoid physical connotations. If modern readers find it difficult to see how anything can be active without changing, this very difficulty should make it easy to see that Plotinus is attempting to remove all notions of body and its peculiarities from the concept of soul. He is struggling with the concept of pure spirit. Sensation, then, is not a physical motion. To be sure, all this refers to sensation when the soul is regarded as the subject. It is that sensation which is called a kind of judgment.29

There is also the more literal, or at least the more physical, phase of sensation, in which the subject of study is not the soul as such, but the organ regarded as a mean between the object and this more internal consciousness. Hence Plotinus does not hesitate to call sensation, in this derivative or lower sense, a motion through the body.30 Soul and body collaborate in sensation; the former is the artisan, the latter the instrument; for which reasons sensation is called a work common to body and soul.31 Or, more fully, sensation is the soul's using the body for grasping sensible objects.32
Each part of the body illumined and animated by the soul participates in the soul in its own peculiar manner. And according to the fitness of the organ for its work, the soul gives it a power suited to that work. Thus the power in the eyes is that of sight.33
The organ is not of itself capable of producing a sensation; it is a means and must therefore be used. Plotinus' words are:
An organ is not sufficient for vision or for sensation of any kind. The soul must be inclined toward the sensible objects... And when we are engrosses in intellectual objects, sight and the other sensations escape our attention; and in general, if we attend to one thing, we miss the others.34
If the organ is not sufficient, however, is it even necessary for sensation? Why must the soul use an organ at all? A preliminary and very partial answer to this important question is that organs differentiate the several types of sensation. Were there no eyes or ears, sight and sounds would not be disparate sensations. The sensible object itself is an image of an ideal object; it differs from its model by being less unitary and more extended in space.35 In grasping the sensible object, therefore, we grasp the intelligible object after a fashion. Thus it may be said that all perceptions are perceptions of forms, though these forms may take on all shapes, such as red, sweet, or loud.36 This is a partial answer to the question why organs are necessary for sensation; at least is shows why organs are necessary for disparate sensations. But why should there be disparate sensations at all? Why cannot the soul perceive without any organ?

The most explicit answer to this question is given in IV, iv, 23. The chapter opens with a definition of sensation: "the perception of sensible objects is the grasping of qualities attaching to bodies by the soul, or by the living being, when it is conscious of them and makes a copy of them on itself." To grasp these sensible forms, the soul cannot be alone without an organ, for by itself it perceives its own content, and this is intellection, not sensation. If it is to perceive other things also, it must first have come into possession of them either by becoming like them or by being conjoined with something that is like them. To become like those things, so long as the soul remains by itself, is impossible. And hence the theory of sympathy does not provide for the action of a sensible object directly on the soul. The soul is not the man that the soul produces; even if it were able, when alone, to attend to a sensible object, there would be no useful purpose served, since, on the assumption that sensation is to lead us to the intelligible world, the soul alone can already contemplate this intelligible model. But, as a matter of fact, it is not able. The sensible object escapes the pure soul because, in reality, the soul does not have the means of grasping a sensible object. To illustrate: Take a visible object that the soul sees at a distance; granted that its primary purpose is to bring before the soul its ideal model in the intelligible world, and in this sense is related to the soul as an indivisible reality, nonetheless the actual process requires an extended, colored object, and the soul sees this extension and color.37 Therefore, these two, the soul and the external object, cannot be the only factors, since the soul is impassive. There must be a third and passive factor also to receive the sensible form. Sensation was previously explained to be a case of sympathy. Now this third factor is precisely the organ that can experience a sympathetic reaction to the sensible object. The organ must come to possess the same modifications that are in the object and be of one matter with it. One is tempted to repeat Aristotle and say that the eye becomes red and the ear sonorous. Thus the organ will be passive, the soul will know, and the passive state will be such as to preserve something of the body producing the affection without, however, being that body.

Just as the visual ray is a sort of extension of our soul, a semi-soul as it were, so too the sensible quality and the sensible object are derivatives of the world-soul on a lower level of reality than our soul or the visual ray. Because, then, all these factors are basically spiritual in nature, the organ, like a mean between the object and the soul, has an affection lying between the sensible and the intelligible like a mean proportional. Thus in a fashion it joins the extremes to each other, being both receptive and annunciatory, make for the purpose of being like both. Since it is an organ - that is, an instrument for acquiring a certain kind of knowledge - it cannot be identical with the knower or the known, but is adapted to be like both, like the external object by reason of passivity, and like the internal soul because its affection becomes a form.

Perhaps in this last clause one suspects that the whole unsolved problem is smuggled back into the alleged explanation. Materialistically minded people have no trouble imagining a sensible object's impressing an organ. Whether it be by sympathy or by propagated light rays makes little difference. But how can the soul perceive the affection in the organ? How does a chemical change in the retina become an intelligible form? And if the soul perceives a chemical change in the retina, what becomes of the realistic epistemology that asserts we grasp things and not mere phenomena?

It is quite clear that Plotinus intends to maintain his realist or dogmatic position. Although it may seem at first that the soul perceives the affection in the organ and not the object, Plotinus continues to assert that the organ must be different from the object perceived.38 In the immediate context the proof of this assertion reduced to the problem why an organ is necessary; and if the argument of the chapter has demonstrated this necessity, the problem is solved, for to use an organ is to have sensation.

Perhaps this does not yet seem to be an altogether satisfactory escape. To Plotinus, however, it serves to advance the solution more than the materialist would be willing to admit. Materialism may have no trouble with chemical changes on the retina (except the troubles of life), but, as Plotinus showed in one of his earliest tractates, materialism is notoriously incapable of advancing beyond unconscious chemistry. The objections suggested arise from trying to judge Plotinus on a materialistic basis. Plotinus, however, convinced of the failure of mechanical explanations of life, has already attacked the problem from the other end; for him, it is the problem of explaining organic functions in terms of soul rather than of explaining sensation in terms of chemistry. Neither the red in the eye nor even the read in the object is a mere matter of chemistry. In this spiritualistic system the red of the object is the result of a spiritual contemplation,39 and the perplexity is removed because the sharp Cartesian dualism that produces it is not present.

And yet Plotinus is not completely satisfied. To give a complete answer, it is necessary to exhaust the relation between soul and body. The fundamental importance of this investigation is seen, aside from the logical exigencies of the system, in the fact the Plotinus devoted one of his last, his most mature, and most complicated tractates to this subject.40

The tractate opens with the question whether pain, pleasure, sensation, etc., have their seat in the soul so as to involve a motion of the soul, or in the body, or in a resultant combination. From the impassivity of the soul Plotinus deduces that these experiences cannot have their seat in the soul. Sensation is explicitly denied to the soul on the ground that it is a reception of the form or affection of a body.41

Even though the soul uses the body as an organ, it is no more compelled to receive the affections that come through the body than carpenters are compelled to receive the passive states of their tools. But must not the soul have sensation if it is to use an organ and know42 the external affections by sensation, for the use eyes is to see, to use an organ is to sense? How, then, to return to that most difficult question, do the affections of an organ come before the soul? A body may share its states with another body, but how can a body transmit a bodily affection to the soul? This would be the equivalent of one object's suffering the modification of another. As long as one is the user and the other is the thing used, each must be kept distinct; and he who makes the soul the agent separates them. The solution involves a distinction. The soul itself is two-fold, one part being the agent strictly, and the other, that nature which is the result of the soul's illumining or animating the body, being itself a sort of organ.

Comparative philosophy as well as the wording of this solution seems to suggest that Plotinus, to connect two unconnectable elements, resorted to a device popularized by Philo and used with abandon by the Gnostics. It is the device of mediators. If God is so transcendent or holy as to be unable to come into contact with matter, and yet must do so for this or that reason, a mediator, neither God nor man, is invented to bridge the gap. Athanasius, in his Defense of the Nicene Definition, makes the point that such an expedient renders impossible the creation of or contact with a first mediator, and so an infinite series results.43 Late antiquity, as the multiplication of ranks in Proclus shows, went its way inventing mediators; are we not to say that Plotinus himself was already well advanced on the same road? The disparity between organ and object is halved by the visual ray; the disparity between organ and soul is halved by this nature; and so one is to leap across the Grand Canyon by jumping half the distance first.

Utility and Knowledge

The purpose of sensation met with so frequently as to raise a doubt whether there be any other is utility. There is a common contrast between utility and knowledge, and sensation may seem to be restricted to warning the soul of corporeal agents injurious, or advantageous, to the living body. "When the intellectual intuition and knowledge of objects is very clear, it is not necessary, even though these objects occur sensibly, to disregard that knowledge and fix the attention upon the particular sensible object, unless one has to manage it for some task."44

Since pleasure, pain, and desire are classified as sensation, what is said of them may with care be transferred to sight and hearing. In IV, iv, 18ff. Plotinus argues that, although the true person is the soul which animates the body, and not the body nor even the animate composite, we are not free from the body; it belongs to us and we must care for it. Therefore pleasures and pain concern us in proportion as we are weak and dependent on the body. Pain is then defined as the recognition of constraint when the body is deprived of the animating images of the soul; and pleasure is the living being's knowledge that the image of the soul is again being harmonized in the body with resulting health and wellbeing. While pleasure and pain themselves belong to the body, the perception of the pleasure or pain is in the soul, or more exactly, in the nature. The distinction between pain and the knowledge of pain provides for localizing the affection. If the soul itself felt the affection, the pain would be wherever the soul was, and not merely in the finger. And further, if the soul itself suffered, it would be incapacitated for an accurate reading of the trouble in the body.

The explanation of this lies in the fact that there has come into existence a body that wishes to be more than a body and has acquired motions the soul does not have. Thus for its preservation and development it is forced to turn to sweet, bitter, and many other objects, of which it would have no need were it body only. By taking note of pain, the soul, which wises to deliver the body from harm, engineers a flight from the harmful object. And this flight is first seem in the contraction of the organ primarily affected, as when the finger jerks away from fire. Hence an important function of sensation is the preservation of body.
We must now discuss whether sensation is for utility only. If the soul when alone has no sensation, but senses with the body, sensation must be for the sake of45 the body. Sensations come from the body and are given to the soul by reason of its union with the body, or in fact they follow of necessity [from that union.]46 For the greater the bodily modification is, the more forcibly it arrives at the soul; and sensation is so ordered that we are protected before the agent becomes so great as to cause injury, or even before it comes near. If this is the case, sensations are for utility. For, even though they also aid knowledge, they do so only for one who has no knowledge and is ignorant through misfortune, so that he may recollect what he has forgotten. Sensations would be of no use to one who had no need or who had not forgotten.47
That sensations are for preserving the body from harm is thus sufficiently clear; but who on Earth, according to the Platonic theory of reminiscence, is not forgetful and does not need to recollect? From this paragraph on utility, therefore, one is led directly to the problem of sensation's function in learning. Anything resembling an exhaustive account of Neoplatonic epistemology is obviously out of the question in the remaining pages of this article, but something to the point of the problem as stated is called for.

First of all, in the section on emphasizing utility, there is a sentence which, despite its hesitant context, points beyond utility. "For in sensation there is also, beyond utility, a sort of knowledge that is not without refinement, such as knowledge of the Sun, the other planets, the heaven and the Earth. For the sensation of these objects is a pleasure in itself."48 Whether this refers to the aesthetic response, or to astronomy, or both, it is at any rate beyond utility and within at least the wider sphere of knowledge.

Other preliminary references include the assertion that the belief that sensible objects exist depends on sensation.49 And later in the same tractate discussing the classification of qualities, the suggestion is made that the difference among organs be used as the basis. And under the heading Body and Soul above, two passages were mentioned teaching that organs and not objects are the source of disparate sensations.50 Then, if classification is a matter of logic and knowledge, sensation has again gone beyond utility. Another preliminary text states that experience of evil in this world, and this must surely include sensation, produces by contrast a clearer knowledge of the good.51

Much more explicit, however, is the argument connecting sensation with memory and imagination. In general, sensation produces contents for memory,52 the visual image of sensation becomes, when sensation no longer exists, a memory-image, and thus sensation culminates in, what is the equivalent of memory, imagination. Thus a progress toward knowledge has been started. Sensation is a critical faculty, and imagination is quasi-intellectual.53

To show that this is truly a progress toward knowledge, it is necessary to connect these images with the higher functions of discursion and intellection.
We separated the functions common to soul and body from those which are peculiar by the fact that the former are corporeal and not without body, but all those which do not need body for their actualization are peculiar to the soul; and discursive reason passing judgments upon sense-impressions already contemplates forms and contemplates them as it were with sensation. We mean discursive reason strictly, in the true soul. For true discursion is an activity of intellection, and often it is the likeness and union of external objects with internal objects.54
The connection between sensation and the higher functions, so obviously asserted in this quotation, is further established in the discussion of the Hypostases Which Know.55 It is not only sensation that deals with external objects; discursion and opinion also grasp them. Whether the intellect does so, is not so clear.56

The reasoning function of the soul, on the basis of images derived from sensation, combines, divides, and pronounces judgment. In the case of representations coming from the intellect, it observes them as if they were impressions, and has the same power with respect to these also. And understanding is gained as the soul recognizes and harmonizes the new and recently arrived impressions with those inherent in it of old. And this is what is meant by the soul's reminiscence.57

Plotinus is obviously referring to Platonic reminiscence, and since "the new and recently arrived impressions" must be sensible impressions, there is here, more explicitly than in the writings of Plato himself, a continuity between sensation and the higher knowledge. After asserting again, at the end of this chapter, that discursive reason is a meeting point for the impressions of sense from below and the "impressions" of intellect from above, Plotinus immediately attempts a more detail description of the connection.
For sensation sees a man and transmits the image to the discursive reason. And what does reason say? It will say nothing yet, but knows only and stands still; unless indeed it asks itself, "Who is this?" - if it has met the man previously - and says, by making use of memory, that he is Socrates. But if it should explain, it separates the material imagination gave it. If it should explain whether he is a good man, it would speak out of the things it learned by sensation, but what is said about them would depend on itself because it has a standard of good within itself.58
Not only are discursion and sensation so closely connected, but in the immediately following lines even the intellect is involved, for it illumines the discursive faculty to strengthen it for the sensation of good objects. In this way, therefore, a strict continuity is established from sensation through memory and imagination on to discursion and at least even to intellect.

Finally, there remains a slightly different question, whose answer, because it turns aside a difficulty, enforces this continuity from sensation to intellection. If intellect supplies us with the norms by which we judge sensible objects, how is it that we are not conscious of its action? Its activity permeates all our mental life, for there is no such thing as a bare sensation. Some element of judgment always enters, and therefore apparently we ought to be more continuously conscious of intellect than of sensation and discursion. In fact, since intellect never ceases to function, why are we not always conscious of its action?

One part of the intricate answer to this question requires a distinction between, to use later terminology, the noumenal self and the empirical self. The continuous activity of intellect is known to the noumenal self because intellect is that self. Plotinus draws a far-reaching analogy between our (the empirical self's) being unconscious of the activity of intellect and our being unconscious of many biological processes acting continuously in our body.59 If the vegetative life were the noumenal self, we, the empirical self, would be conscious of its functioning only under particular circumstances. And if this occasions no surprise, neither should our intermittent perception of the intellect's activity. 

More explicitly, intellection escapes our notices because it does not relate to a sensible object; and consciousness requires sensible objects.60 Intellect and even soul, in its highest phases at any rate, have an activity prior to sensation and all perception. Otherwise to think and to be would not be the same.

The perception of these activities seems to occur when the thought is bent back, as if it had gone forth, had struck a mirror, and had returned. If the mirror is not there, or if its surface is damaged, there will be no image; but this does not affect the subject that would have been reflected. The soul, at least in its lower phase, is like a mirror. When in condition, it reflects the objects that would have been reflected. The soul, at least in its lower phase, is like a mirror. When in condition, it reflects the objects of discursion and intellection; thus we see these objects sensibly as well as know them with the prior form of knowledge. If, however, the soul is disturbed, because of bodily disorder, there is imageless, unconscious thought. Unconscious activity should be considered neither strange nor inferior. A courage, for example, that is too conscious is hardly noble; and a person reading with complete concentration on the subject-matter will be unconscious that he is reading. In fact, consciousness, as the opposite of concentration, weakens the acts it accompanies and dissipates their force.

Another passage of similar import considers the relation to sensation of discursion only.61 The immediate problem is the possibility of remembering concepts or reasonings. Since in the visual or auditory sense of the word there can be no "image" of discursion, Plotinus brilliantly suggests the verbal formula as a substitute.
For the concept is indivisible, and not yet externalized; it remains internal and escapes our notice. But speech, by unfolding it and leading it from the state of a thought exhibits the thought as in a mirror, and thus we have the perception of it, its conservation, and memory. And therefore, since the soul is always thinking, we have perception whenever it arrives at this stage. For thinking is one thing, but perception of the thinking is another; and while we always think, we do not always perceive. This is because the recipient not only receives thoughts from above, but also sensations from below.62
Even when Plotinus warns that, if the sensible world gain the mastery over the soul that has descended into it (the empirical self), it will be impossible to perceive the intelligible objects themselves, he confirms the view that only in sensation do we have the perception of thought. "For the intelligible object comes to us only when the soul has descended to the level of sensation."63 It cannot be said without qualification that an event in any given part of the soul will be perceived. If the event permeates the whole soul, no doubt we shall be conscious of it. But even with respect to the lower functions, such as desire, there is no consciousness if it remains in the appetitive faculty. To be perceived, it must pass on to the inner faculty of sensation, or discursive reason, or both. And if this be true of the lower functions, why should it not be true of the highest functions?64

In other passages Plotinus speaks of setting aside the body, the soul that fashions the body, sensation, desires, and the other faculties that incline us toward perishable things, in order to know intellect.65 And also, in apparent contradiction to the previous statements that we always think but do not always perceive, we have the assertion that we always sense and reason, but do not always use the intellect.66 The apparent inconsistency is removed by observing the much more accurate definition of self in this passage. Previously it was the whole soul that was discussed, and the stage at which perception occurred had to be distinguished from the other phases of soul. Here there is mainly in view the empirical self, and man is identified with the discursive faculty itself.67

The exhortation, therefore, to leave the realm of sensation is in no sense a retraction of the theory of sensation, but a confirmation of it. Sensation is related to knowledge by being a first step toward knowledge. Had there been no incarnate life, sensation would have been unnecessary. Under the actual conditions most men must begin with sensation. "If anyone cannot grasp the first and purest contemplation, let him take the faculty of opinion and ascend from there. But if he cannot even grasp this, let him take sensation which provides us with forms more extended in space..."68

This in fact is the notion that unifies the whole theory. Sensation can initiate knowledge for the express reason that sensible objects are extended in space. They are the visual, or sensible, images of eternal realities. In literal sensation, therefore, we are actually in touch with reality; to be sure we do not have a very firm grasp on it, but at least it is a contact.

The long passage, therefore, sublimating sensation is well summed up in its concluding words, which are also the appropriate concluding words here.
It is clear and the argument has demonstrated that heavenly realities do not look upon things here below, but objects here below depend upon and are imitations of the objects there. And man here holds from Man those powers which have reference to the intelligible objects. Sensible objects are thus united with the sensible man, and intelligible objects with the intelligible Man. For these heavenly sensibles, as we may call them, must be grasped in another manner because they are incorporeal; sensation here, because it deals with bodies, is more obscure than apprehension there - which we also call sensation - although it seems clearer.69 And therefore man here is a being of sense because his perception is weaker and what he grasps are weak images of objects there. Consequently sensations here are obscure intellections, and intellections there are clear sensations.70
1. From The Philosophical Review, July, 1942.

2. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen, III, a, 3te Aufl., S. 580.

3. L'idee de verite dans la philosophie de Saint Augustin 171: "Four Plotin l'ame sent parcequ'elle se saisit creant l'objet sensible."

4. VI, vi. 

5. V, iii, 1, 20; V, iii, 2, 3.

6. This consideration is expanded in IV, v, 3, 26ff.

7. V, iii, 5, 17-28 and context.

8. Op. cit., III, 2, 3te Aufl., S. 582.

9. I, i, 7, 9-12.

10. V, v, 1, 15-19. 

11. I, i, 7, 1-6.

12. IV, vi, 3, 16-19.

13. V, iv, 2, 46.

14. IV, v, 1, 35.

15. IV, v, 3-17.

16. Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, IV, 244-255; Arnim, S. V. F. II, 864, 866, 868. Compare Theophrastus, De Sens. 51.

17. V, v, 7, 24ff.

18. IV, v, 4, 10ff. Brehier, Notice (in loc.) page 61, understands the reference to touch as a reductio ad absurdem, and, because he can see no function for the visual ray, seems to conclude that it does not exist. That Plotinus asserted the existence of such a ray is evident from V, v, 7, 27, and IV, v, 7, 23-25. Brehier's interpretation requires the argument to be construed as a modus tollens, but since the conclusion Plotinus intended is patently the rejection of a medium, no such construction can result in a valid syllogism.

19. IV, v, 4, 17-22.

20. Notice, page 61.

21. Compare IV, v, 2, 15ff., and 56-61. Mackenna is clearly wrong if he identifies the body in the interval as the visible object itself. His translation of IV, v, 4, 20, as "If by the presence of such a body, then there will be vision though there be no intervenient," ruins the progress of the argument.

22. IV, v, 6.

23. Contrary to Aristotle, De Anima, 419a15.

24. V, v, 7, 8-16. The last part of the argument limps even after confounding visible with light.

25. IV, v, 5.

26. III, vi, 3, 4-9.

27. III, iii, 2, 53.

28. III, vi, 1, 1-14.

29. I, i, 6, 11.

30. I, i, 6, 11.

31. IV, iii, 26, 1-9.

32. IV, vii, 8, 2.

33. IV, iii, 23, 1-6.

34. IV, iv, 25, 1 and 5. Compare IV, vi, 3, 16-19.

35. V, iii, 9, 30-32.

36. IV, iii, 3, 12-20.

37. This sentence is the interpretation of the difficult lines IV, iv, 23, 15-19.

38. IV, iv, 24; and the first section of this article.

39. III, viii.

40. I, i.

41. Mackenna translates I, i, 2, 26-27, as "sensation is a receiving - whether or an Ideal-Form or of an impassive body." This virtually impossible interpretation depends on the rejection of an emendation by Gollwitzer, who substituted η χαι παθους for η απαθους. Gollwitzer might have better omitted the χαι, for it is not a disjunction but an explanation that is intended. To prevent the mistake Mackenna made in taking εδους, a Ideal-Form, Plotinus added η παθους. That εδους does not invariably mean Ideal-Form is clear from lines 3-5 of this same chapter. H. F. Muller in Plotinische Studien III, Hermes LI (January 1916) 110-111, rejects the emendation and anticipates Mackenna's interpretation. He does so only by utilizing the distinction made later between sensation of the soul and sensation by the animate body or nature. But if Plotinus had intended this internal, higher sensation, the conclusion at this point would have been that the soul indeed is the seat of sensation. Since the conclusion here is exactly the opposite, Plotinus must have meant the organic phase of sensation.

42. Brehier's emendation in I, i, 3, 7, does not seem to be a happy one. Either Ciz. or A B D is better.

43. The Christian mediator, who is both God and man, involves, of course, a different notion of transcendence, springs from problems foreign to paganism, and does not face this objection.

44. IV, iv, 8, 3-6.

45. Î”ια here probably means "for the sake of"; Mackenna's "by means of," while plausible, involves considerable tautology and does not follow through the notion of utility.
 
46. There is a textual difficulty here. The reason of B, επαχολουθουσα gives an explanation or slight modification of δοθεισα. The γαϱ clause following explains why sensations necessarily follow the union of soul and body. The reading επαχολουθουσης, adopted by Brehier, is beset with grammatical difficulty. Presumably it would mean that the soul is compelled to follow. This notion, however, neither connects so smoothly with the preceding, nor is it so well explained by the following.

47. IV, iv, 24, 1-12.

48. IV, iv, 22, 40-43.

49. VI, iii, 10, 12-17.

50. V, iii, 9, 30-32 and IV, iii, 3, 12-20.

51. IV, viii, 7, 15.

52. IV, viii, 29, 19ff.

53. IV, iii, 23, 31.

54. I, i, 9, 15-23.

55. V, iii, 1ff.

56. V, iii, 1, 20. Διανοια and δοξα grasp external objects in a sense pertinent to the present subject; νους may do so in a fashion further removed from the literal meaning of sensation. And if this be the case, sensation will be an aid not only to discursive reason, but to νους as well.
 
57. V, iii, 2, 7-14.

58. V, iii, 3, 1-9.

59. I, iv, 9, 24ff.

60. I, iv, 10, 2. Brehier says that sensation is the only means of becoming conscious of intellectual objects. Plotinus says as much elsewhere. Mackenna says action on sensitive objects must proceed through the sensitive faculty. Certainly  refers to . Apparently Brehier has given a better reason than Plotinus.

61. IV, iii, 30.

62. IV, iii, 30, 7-16. The last two sentences, if disjoined from the context, might give the impression that sensation hinders the perception of thought. But the first part of the quotation shows how these infelicitous lines must be taken.

63. IV, viii, 8, 6.

64. The same considerations are repeated in V, i, 12.

65. IV, iii, 9; V v 6.

66. V, iii, 3, 28 and 39-41.

67. V, iii, 3, 35.

68. V, iii, 9, 28-31.
 
69. In the Greek of this sentence Plotinus did not achieve the clarity of his heavenly vision.

70. VI, vii, 7, 19-31.